Research Papers & Projects

This paper considers how voters' perceptions of women candidates' parental status (childfree, expecting, and mothers) impact their perceived viability at the state executive and legislative office level. Using data from a nationally representative survey experiment, I evaluate how voters rate these women candidates’ competencies on leadership, perceived time for the job and policy issues. I find regardless of party status, there is a distinct voter penalty towards pregnant candidates in terms of having enough time to do the job particularly at the executive level. A partisan divide emerges where Democrats rate expecting candidates higher on leadership competencies compared to Republicans, and voters generally demonstrate a preference for moms running for executive office compared to legislative. This research has important implications for how candidates need to strategize their presentation as we see increasing numbers of women and (expecting) mothers run for all types of office.     

My dissertation, which I am currently adapting into a larger book project, examines the value of motherhood appeals for congressional candidates and explores the question as to whether motherhood is a universal beneficial appeal for candidates. I examine how Black, Latina, and white candidates with young children invoke their motherhood while running for U.S. Congressional seats between 2018 and 2022. The overarching question driving this research is: How does motherhood of dependent-aged children intersect with racial and ethnic identities to shape political opportunities for women candidates?

Using a mixed-methods approach, I conduct in-depth case studies of six non-incumbent mother congressional candidates who ran between 2018 and 2022, analyzing campaign materials through a typology of motherhood appeals, and I conduct an experimental survey of voter perceptions. Findings reveal that candidates’ motherhood appeals are neither monolithic nor universally received. Candidates strategically adapt motherhood rhetoric, transforming existing frames like "Mama Grizzly" into broader protector narratives while also introducing novel appeals like Integrated Motherhood and Model Minority Mom. These appeals intersect with candidates’ race, ethnicity, and ideology, reflecting distinct strategies to connect maternal identity to political goals. Case studies highlight how external factors—such as campaign competitiveness and opponent dynamics—moderate the use of motherhood appeals.

Experimental findings demonstrate that voter perceptions of mother candidates vary significantly depending on appeal type, racial identity, and partisan alignment. Results indicate that the Model Minority Mom appeal is consistently associated with higher voter support, especially Republicans while Maternal Grief appeal generally reduced support, particularly for Black candidates. This research complicates assumptions about candidates’ motherhood appeals and their strategic use, revealing them as tailored appeals aimed to negotiate racial and gendered stereotypes, align with cultural values, and resonate with diverse voter groups.

Currently, I am extending the analysis and planning to conduct interviews with campaign strategists and candidates to enrich my analysis of how candidates navigate motherhood as a campaign strategy.

Recent research shows gendered patterns in the way that parents working as legislators present themselves to the public. Thomas and Lambert (2017) find that moms working in the House of Commons are less likely than dads to share information about their families (especially children) in promotional materials and websites. Irving (2019) finds that there are gendered patterns in the way that women leaders present themselves on Twitter, including the issues they address and the traits they display in their tweets. With the increasing web presence of legislators (including reliance upon social media to communicate with constituents) we suspect that MPs think carefully about the types of references they make to family, including their own and family issues in general. We seek to assess whether there are gendered patterns in the extent to which MPs talk about family online. We assess the Twitter feeds of all MPs in the House of Commons over three electoral cycles: 2015, 2019 and 2021. We analyze how they present their parenthood 6 months before to 6 months after each election to better understand how legislators self-present to the public before, during, and after the election campaign. Our research suggests political careers are unique for moms and dads, with different constraints and concerns.